Buried Alive: An Obituary for White Nationalism

December 29, 2017

At the time of this writing, bitcoin has died 219 times, …and counting. There’s a website, BitcoinObituaries.com, which attempts to chronicle each and every elaborate think piece about how the cryptocurrency’s pretty much hosed. Those who followed Trump’s campaign remember the same phenomenon, culminating in the classic Onion article, “This Will Be The End of Trump’s Campaign, Says Increasingly Nervous Man for the Seventh Time this Year.”

Vegas’s latest at New Republic tolls our journalistic demise, “The Rise and Fall of the Racist Right.” I spent the evening of the election with Vegas, but I was too busy the first half of the evening transfixed to my laptop. By around 6pm, I was feeling pretty discouraged. Hillary had pretty much won. HuffPo had her at 99%, The Young Turks were already partying, and the big chunk of bitcoins I had invested in Trump’s victory at Predictious were bouncing around below 10% odds as the smart money in the prediction market was cutting its losses.

Even my favorite Jew, Nate Silver, was getting nervous about his prediction models on his live blog.

Within a couple hours, Vegas was visibly distraught, a mere shadow of his trademark blend of cheerful condescension. He went home early. I don’t blame him, as a trailer packed with racists drunkenly celebrating a historic victory over his neoliberal globalist worldview had to be unbearable. I don’t drink, and retreated back to my room to geek out on the analytics and electoral college math. Vegas retreated back to his hotel room to work on his book.

In hindsight, 2016 was too good. White identity was thrust onto the stage before it was quite ready. Trump had no idea how to translate his populist campaign of white hot white blowback into a coherent presidential administration. Even bitcoin, which has increased in value at a frightening pace, closed out 2017 narrowly surviving a fork, with astronomical fees, ridiculous delays, and questions about whether it’s capable of adapting rapidly enough to keep up with its newfound status as one of the world’s primary reserve and exchange currencies.

If there’s one thing Vegas enjoys doing, it’s framing men as arrogant and cutting them down. Being a Nordic feminist, he takes an instinctive delight in thinking that some man, somewhere, who takes himself and his work seriously, might slip on a banana peel and fall into a rain puddle in the presence of women, immigrants, and minorities who smile warmly at his humbling misfortune.

During a January lunch with Spencer in the D.C. suburbs, he explained to me how the far right was the laboratory of Trump’s GOP. He (in his humble opinion) was the intellectual lodestar for the whole thing—the wellspring from which the gospel of modern nationalism would flow, washing over the newly red-pilled masses and percolating through the orange follicles of the impressionable demagogue about to move into the White House.

Perhaps Vegas was taking some journalistic license or perhaps Spencer was playing to the zeitgeist, but everyone I spoke to going into 2017 was anxious about how our cash-starved fledgling movement would make it through 2017. The belief that our movement was basically pulling the strings of the Trump Administration and poised to become a major mainstream political force was coming from everywhere but ourselves. We knew ourselves and knew what we were up against.

2017 even got so absurd that a Persian-American millionaire captivated by all the leftist hysteria actually attempted to purchase the altright and direct it to achieve his Iranian domestic priorities. Spencer magnanimously sold the altright to the fool, whose mind was racing with the vision that the populist uprising of white trash which now ran the federal government was now his to direct and control, military-industrial complex and all.

It turns out that Goldman Sachs and his Jewish globalist son-in-law were embedded just a bit deeper into Trump’s inner circle than Richard Spencer and Matthew Heimbach. Jorjani’s ambitions for a Zoroastrian color revolution against the Persian government orchestrated by the United States government remain on the drawing board. Vegas can chortle all he wants about how we failed to live up to what was expected of us in 2017, but the real joke was the hysterical expectation itself.

As we stood in an abandoned coal field in western Kentucky in April, amidst a group of Nazis, Klansmen, and college kids, Brad Griffin, a popular blogger in the movement, told me that the defining moment of the past year hadn’t been the election of Trump, but rather the punching of Spencer.

Brad’s correct, and his insight has been confirmed in the months that passed. All Trump’s victory showed the world is what Schoep tried to explain to the incredulous Vegas all the way back in 2011: There’s a populist backlash brewing. Spencer getting punched in the face reminded our movement that we must demonstrate real world strength and solidarity against in increasingly agitated system which wishes to silence us with violence.

A few months later, Charlottesville happened. The city government and its police force actively collaborated with the thousands of leftists with weapons to drive us out of the public square once and for all. Despite incredible odds against us and a tremendous resource and manpower deficit, the police decision to step back and enforce anarchy ended poorly for the anarchists, proving that we could not be silenced with violence. For some reason which continues to elude me, a huge chunk of the movement got startled and wanted to retreat back to Internet memes and delusions about “influencing the GOP” after proving that we’re a force too powerful to dispatch with the usual tricks.

Behind the scenes, the Charlottesville rally was a mess of competing egos and petty squabbles.

For Vegas, there is only one problem in this world: egos. All other misfortunes derive from this original sin. Having seen the back office, and being familiar with the movement, what squabbles preceded Charlottesville were petty and everybody did a great job of coordinating a very large, complicated, and successful event with a variety of contingency and security strategies which were trained for and executed well.

Then, in the aftermath of the tragic death of Heather Heyer, even this shred of unity was stripped away as groups openly split over how to deal with Heyer’s death. There were condemnations and counter-condemnations, as a movement adept at merely playing war suddenly had to deal with the very real repercussions of a person dying.

Anybody who thinks that Charlottesville was hard on the White Right has obviously not taken a look at the Antifa subculture, which permanently discredited itself within its own leftist circles. Their whole shtick, that punching us is the solution, was tested by the combined weight and force of antifa nationwide, …and failed. The Charlottesville city government was squarely blamed for the mayhem and Heather Heyer’s death by its own independent review. And our future financial benefactors, the Charlottesville Police Department. The police chief Al Thomas resigned a few weeks ago, as the case that they royally screwed it up on purpose grows more and more solid.

Heather Heyer waddled around in a state of emergency, for hours after it was illegal to stand around blocking traffic, explicitly asking people around her where the chaos and violence was. We showed up to a permitted rally and we showed up to defend ourselves. The antifa and Heyer showed up to instigate a violent confrontation. The police and the city government showed up to stage a bum fight that they lost. Thousands and thousands of “anarchists” all got what they paid for, and want to blame me, James Fields, and White Nationalism for the predictable consequence of orchestrating anarchy.

I sleep like a baby.

The first half of 2017 had been the movement’s moment in the sun, and, although its members didn’t care to admit it, the chaos in Charlottesville and the death of Heather Heyer marked its passing.

2016 marked our triumphant entry into the ring. 2017 has presented a series of very difficult tests for our movement. Can we occupy public space without being chased off by an angry mob? Can we take a punch and hold our ground? Can we be removed from all of the corporate promotional and social media platforms and yet still reach audiences, raise funds, and spread our message? These are all tough challenges, and I’ve spent every week after Charlottesville frantically working on AltTech solutions to the campaign of corporate censorship against our movement.

I was glad to be done with them.

Like the obituaries for bitcoin and Trump’s campaign, Vegas’s claim that we’re done for is wishful thinking disguised as prognosis. Our numbers continue to steadily grow. Our leadership team has incredible depth. The tech solutions to the tech challenges are steadily coming online. We remain out in the street at both large rallies and in small meetups and neighborhood projects all across America. TradWorker not only survived 2017, but set the foundation for a 2018 that will begin delivering on at least some of the big expectations folks had in 2016.

Ultimately, what Vegas doesn’t get is that this isn’t about Heimbach, Spencer, Schoep, or myself. He’s a gifted writer who naturally dwells on personalities and their inner worlds. It’s all relative to the ego with Vegas, which is why he fails to grasp that this isn’t about us individuals and our groups. This is about broad socioeconomic trends which exist independently of anybody’s ego. White Americans are becoming cognizant of their identity, becoming agitated about their fate, and looking for solutions to the problems which are only growing more acute for millions and millions of struggling, alienated, and radicalizing white working family men and women.

We at TradWorker have survived a year that Heather Heyer, the antifa scene, and several projects in our movement did not. We have the vision, the infrastructure, the talent, the technology, and the resources to solve problems and work toward solutions for our people. Memes and bantz are great. But the future of this movement, and of the entire world, belongs to those who patiently and steadily improve themselves, surmount the challenges they’re presented with, and–above all–continue to struggle. Vegas gave up on reporting a story that’s only beginning to unfold. I’m glad to be done with him.

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